Toespraak Eurocommissaris Rehn over de successen van Europese uitbreiding (en)
EU Commissioner for Enlargement
Transforming the European Continent for the Better
EU Enlargement 5 Years
Hässleholm, 11 May 2009
Ladies and Gentlemen, Citizens of Hässleholm, Dear Friends,
I am delighted that enlargement has been chosen as one of the themes for this year's 'Europaforum', ahead of the European elections and the Swedish Presidency. I want to thank Sweden for its consistent commitment to enlargement and for excellent cooperation over the years. There will be plenty of work ahead for the Swedish Presidency!
We are celebrating a historic double anniversary this year: the 20th anniversary of the fall of the Berlin Wall, and the 5th anniversary of the 2004 enlargement that reunified the European continent. It is therefore a fitting time to reflect on the impact of EU enlargement.
I want to thank the Democracy Council for its excellent report looking back at popular fears about enlargement and asking, five years on, how did it actually go? I am pleased to say the report reaches much the same conclusions as the EU's own studies – but, then, some may say that we are biased! As a "resting" political scientist, I am impressed by the balanced and analytical nature of the report, which also has the merit of being more outspoken than a serving Commissioner can ever be.
Beyond simply proving the sceptics wrong, the 2004 enlargement has been a success on its own terms. It has demonstrated that enlargement remains one of the EU's most powerful foreign policy tools. It continues to transform South East Europe even today, like it changed central and eastern Europe before.
Thus EU enlargement has brought tremendous progress – but progress that must be explained. For as the Democracy Council's report points out, there was concern as well as jubilation in 2004 about adding 12 new Member States to the Union. The success story of enlargement still needs to be told, and myths confronted with facts.
Back in 2004, for example, sceptics doubted that the EU could still function with 27 Members. They worried that a widened Europe would be a weaker Europe. Some even speculated that the newest Member States would slack off on reforms once they had 'joined the club' and prove disappointing partners. Time has proved them wrong.
In fact, the EU works well with 27 members.
The newest Member States have kept up their pace of reform after joining the EU, broadly speaking, and perform as well on average as the rest of the Member States when it comes to implementing EU rules.
Furthermore, five years after, EU policies are marked by continuity rather than change in virtually all our core areas of business, ranging from the internal market to the common agriculture and fisheries policies and trade. As for our common foreign and security policy, I believe enlargement has enriched the European Union by bringing in more perspectives – not least when it comes to our eastern neighbourhood.
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I find the debate on enlargement often gets stuck in defensive mode. That is short-sighted and misleading. The 2004 enlargement transformed the European continent for the better. It was an extraordinary historic achievement. Consider how long time ago it seems since East and West were divided and the shadow of the cold war hung over us? Yet it was only 20 years ago.
Even before the newest members joined, the EU enlargement process served as a beacon of hope, a driver of personal freedom, and a catalyst for economic change.
It helped advance the rule of law and the protection of human rights. It brought about unprecedented, peaceful and democratic change and extended the European economic area to almost 500 million people. For the citizens in the East, quite simply, it marked a return to their historical place in Europe.
For the older Member States too, enlargement has been a net gain. The EU's enlargement to Central and Eastern Europe more than a historic mission. It was a matter of enlightened self-interest as well, to enhance our own economic growth, security and freedom.
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Enlargement also increased the EU's weight in the world, for one, in international trade negotiations or when addressing other issues of global nature, such as climate change or development. It substantially increased our crisis management capacity, especially for peace-keeping missions.
Size matters. The EU has become a regulatory superpower driving policy-making in many areas. To name a few examples, the economic recovery package and last year's climate and energy package are paving the way for successful global governance on these critical challenges.
Economically, size matters too. All the evidence points out that the larger internal market has induced more trade, more profitable investments and more growth and jobs.
Trade between the older and newest Member States grew almost threefold in less than ten years, for example. This is a key reason why, from 2004 until the current financial crisis broke out in full, the EU enjoyed solid growth in employment.
But times they're-a-changin', some will say. Shouldn't enlargement take a back seat now, when the economic crisis threatens European jobs and welfare? It is not time to look inward for a while?
It is perfectly clear to me that the economy and jobs are the first and foremost concerns of our citizens today. It is therefore right that they should top the EU's agenda.
That is why we have launched a European economic recovery plan and what we are doing with our other reform initiatives. That is why we held a special Jobs Summit last week, to help break the negative cycle that threatens to deepen the economic crisis.
However, while combating the economic recession, we must not make EU enlargement a scapegoat for a problem it did not create.
Europe's economic troubles were not created by Czech autoworkers or Bulgarian internet programmers. They stem from system errors of financial capitalism – and originate from Wall Street, not the cosy, relaxed, friendly streets of Prague or Sofia.
We must tackle myths with facts, and address our citizens' concerns with smart and effective economic policies. Questioning our commitments in EU enlargement will not help us to tackle the economic downturn.
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While making the empirical case for enlargement as a political and economic success, there is also no doubt that the EU has become more heterogeneous, which requires a somewhat greater effort to reach common positions and policies.
Jacques Delors once said that to grow from 12 to 15 to 25 we would need time, family spirit and understanding of each others psychology and traditions. In other words, the contract of marriage between 27 countries has to be consolidated and further reinforced. I agree.
So while the EU continues to function well at 27, as the Democracy Council points out, we still need to continue our institutional and internal reforms so that the EU can work better – in a more open and democratic way, and more effectively and efficiently – in order to deliver what our citizens expect. This is fundamentally what the Lisbon Treaty is about, and why we need it now.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
As in Central and Eastern Europe before, the European perspective is once again exercising its magnetic pull in South East Europe today, driving reforms and spurring progress. Croatia remains likely to be the 28th Member State. I shall return to this point in a minute.
Compared to many other regions in the world, South East Europe benefits from relative political stability at the moment – not least thanks to its European perspective.
But, if the 20th century taught us anything, it is the folly of complacency when it comes to the Western Balkans. There is no end of history in sight, nor irreversible stability, at least not quite yet.
All these arguments – the gains from enlargement and the risks of wavering – underline why we must maintain the European perspective in South East Europe, with the ultimate goal of EU membership once the conditions have been met by each country on its own merits.
We cannot take a sabbatical from our invaluable work for peace and progress that serves the fundamental interest of all Europeans.
Before concluding, this brings me to the main challenges that face us today, in the lead-up to the Swedish EU Presidency.
First, we still hope to conclude the technical accession negotiations with Croatia by the end of this year. These negotiations are currently blocked by Slovenia over an unresolved bilateral border dispute, which has – thus – become a European problem. The Commission is engaged in quiet diplomacy to help resolve the border issue and unblock Croatia's accession negotiations. Meanwhile, Croatia still has work to do on key reforms, notably judicial reform, and the fight against corruption.
Second, we must keep the accession negotiations with Turkey on track and moving. I expect to see a re-launch of key reforms in Turkey in the coming period. This would have a positive impact on the negotiations. Turkey also is expected to proactively support the ongoing talks in Cyprus on reunification. Let us not lose perspective: in the case of Turkey, the journey to EU membership is as important as the destination.
Third, the other Western Balkan countries hope to move forward in their path on European integration as well this year – each based on its own merit, of course, and provided that the EU's conditions are met.
We need to manage Montenegro's and Albania's membership applications, and consider a recommendation to open accession negotiations with the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, if it stays the course on reform. We also need to unblock Serbia's Stabilisation and Association Agreement, which depends upon the Council of the European Union deciding unanimously that Serbia cooperates fully with the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia.
Bosnia and Herzegovina presents its own unique challenges. It needs to end its dependency on an international executive presence in the form of the Office of the High Representative, and transition to full local ownership supported by a reinforced EU presence. BiH will need to make the journey to the EU by its own means.
As for Kosovo, it too remains a European priority. This autumn, the Commission will issue a study on ways and means to further Kosovo's political and socio-economic development within the framework of the European perspective it shares with the rest of the Western Balkans.
For the region as a whole, progress toward visa free travel is top priority this year. The Commission will present a proposal to this effect before the summer break, and we hope that the most advanced countries may be able to gain visa-free travel by the end of the year.
Finally, in Europe's north-western corner, we may soon expect a membership application from Iceland, possibly in June or July. The Commission is mentally prepared to receive such an application and to work with the incoming Swedish EU Presidency to take it forward. Iceland is a deeply democratic country, and it is already a member of the European Economic Area. If we compare the EU accession process to a marathon, then Iceland has already completed the first 40 kilometres. So, if the Icelandic people and parliament were to decide to apply, then the negotiations should not necessarily take terribly long.
And who knows, maybe over time, this might provide a stimulus to Norway as well.
The Nordic community, I personally believe, has its natural place in the European Union. But this, again, would be a decision for the Norwegian people, when or if the time comes.
Dear Friends,
Today, Europe is reunited and free. Let's keep it that way. And let us complete our work in South East Europe, as well as in northern Europe with Iceland, and – who knows – one day perhaps with Norway as well.
This is a tough agenda, but a beautiful and meaningful mission, as EU enlargement has always been. Sweden will soon play a key role to make it happen. I wish the incoming Swedish EU Presidency the best of success – Lycka till, för oss alla tillsammans!