Voorzitter van de Europese Raad, Herman van Rompuy: waarom vandaag Europa? (en)
"WHY EUROPE TODAY?"
Speech by the President of the European Council,
at the WDR Europa Forum
It is a pleasure for me to have the opportunity to speak today at the WDR Europa Forum.
Sixty-two years ago, Robert Schuman, then French Foreign Minister, invited the countries of Europe, and particularly Germany, to take part in a common political project.
So soon after the end of the Second World War, this was a bold step towards peace and reconciliation.
As a result, war between European neighbours in the Union has become inconceivable. The bloody battlefields of the past have made way for the Brussels conference rooms.
That is tremendous progress.
The gamble taken by Schuman and Adenauer has paid off.
We are meeting here at an exceptional and paradoxical time in Europe's history - a time of uncertainty against the backdrop of an unprecedented success.
Success, for our continent - we should not shy away from saying it out loud - is the most prosperous, free and stable region of the world.
Of course, not everything is for the best in this best of all possible worlds.
Yet the fact that in Europe half a billion people live in peace and reconciliation with each other in a Union of 27 countries is an unparalleled success in the history of mankind, for which we are the envy of the world.
With just 7 % of the world's population, we generate 20 % of the world's wealth, so more than the United States and as much as China and India together. Occasionally it is worth remembering these facts, instead of sinking into pessimism.
And yet - many Europeans are still worried. Worried about their jobs or their children's jobs in the future, worried about the future of our society in a changing world.
We must not close our eyes to the fact that this concern also has an impact on the core idea of Europe, particularly at a time of sovereign debt crisis in the euro area.
I would like to talk about this today.
All the more so since Europe is no longer a great abstract notion for the future, as it was in Schuman's and Adenauer's day; no, today Europe is part and parcel of everyday life!
The debt crisis, no matter how difficult and painful it might be, brings home the fact that the Union is us.
Right here and now, in the daily life of each individual.
Ladies and gentlemen,
More than ever we share the same destiny.
What happens with pensions or debt in one country affect the banks and taxpayers in another country. In good times and in bad times. What hurts Athens hurts Amsterdam and if Barcelona flourishes, Berlin prospers.
But this interdependence is not an unintended consequence of our actions.
On the contrary, this has always been the driving force behind the desire to unify Europe!
To knit ever tighter bonds between the economies and societies of our continent, so as to secure:
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-peace between States;
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-prosperity for citizens;
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-power (or influence) for Europe in the world.
A world in peace. I am very well aware that for the young, especially in western Europe, the idea of Europe as a guarantor of peace is losing its persuasive power. All that seems to belong to a distant past, a memory that is now history. But we must never forget history's cruel lessons.
Yet most Member States have seen upheavals in their recent history, and for them Europe does remain an anchor for peace and stability.
This is true for Germany, France and the other founding States, after the Second World War.
It is true for Greece, Spain and Portugal, after the fall of their dictatorships.
It is true for the former Communist countries and those of the Western Balkans.
To establish this interdependence which generates stability and good neighbourly relations, we chose the way of the economy, the common market and the common currency, and in doing so we created prosperity. Prosperity for each citizen of Europe was thus at once a means and an end in itself.
This implicit pact underlying the European project is now being sorely tested, essentially for two reasons.
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1.First of all, interdependence brings risks. The risks of contagion, or the risk of having to pay for others or of being dependent on their decisions.
We are determined to attack those risks at their source. Since the debt crisis began, we have been acting on three fronts:
Beating the crisis, by helping the euro area handle the financial-market pressures.
Preventing further crises, by reducing debts and deficits.
And laying the foundations for future growth and jobs, by reforming our economies and investing in the future.
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2.This brings me to the second reason why the equation between the European project and prosperity has been put under stress, even before the financial crisis. In a nutshell, Europe has too often been made a scapegoat for globalisation.
The fact is, all our countries have to adapt to an evolving world, to the economic emergence of China, India, Brazil.
These developments open up numerous opportunities to us, for instance in exports, as the case of Germany shows, but they also present us with big challenges.
We need to work more and work better, we need to innovate and create, and we can no longer indulge in living beyond our means.
Reforms are needed — EU or no EU.
Public deficits of 15 %, public debts of 160 % of GDP are unsustainable — EU or no EU.
Our economies have to become more competitive — EU or no EU.
But as far as the general public is concerned, the European Union is to blame and its image is tarnished, even though the decisions in question are taken by their national leaders.
Some say Europe is moving too fast.
But no: it is the world that is moving fast!
Europe helps us move with it.
All Europe's leaders know this and act accordingly.
I see this happen at every summit meeting of the 27 presidents and prime ministers. When we sit at the European Council table, I see a powerful will to take decisions together.
But what does it take to persuade our citizens?
The answer: results, and straight talking.
Results, first and foremost in terms of jobs and the economy. We have to make absolutely sure everyone understands there is no going back on the euro. It will take time to get over the crisis. It will take time to restore confidence after such shocks as the banking crisis and the sovereign debt crisis. It will not be easy. We will have to stand by our commitment to reduce debts and deficits. And we can do it.
We need to convince people that Europe is good for jobs.
That our market is good not just at enabling business to sell more, and consumers to buy cheaper products, travel or call from abroad less expensively, but that our market creates employment, creates millions of jobs.
We must persuade people that we as a Union are investing jointly in training, research, transport and technology and other projects as growth generators, some so ambitious that we can only take them on together. Europe is a source of employment, not a threat to it!
And we need to show that Europe can defend the interests of its Member States in global competition against unfair practices, making sure that the same rules and standards apply to all. Imagine all our Member States having to negotiate separately with giants like China and India! Without Europe we would not stand a chance.
This growth and employment policy also requires political courage, and an orthodox fiscal policy. It will take effort and reforms that go against entrenched interests. People forget this. The effects will not be immediate but they will be lasting.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
That wraps up what I wanted to say about these ingredients of Europe's success; there are many others I could mention.
It will however take more than this to convince the men and women of Europe.
Political leaders must tell the truth.
Populism and nationalism are not appropriate responses to today's challenges.
Those who claim that their country can succeed by going it alone are not just deluding themselves - they are lying.
If we did not have Europe, the costs would be unthinkably high.
Politicians must speak plainly about the efforts needed, but also about what is at stake.
There is indeed a lot at stake.
But if we all work together, Europe can remain this attractive continent in which we live and work, create wealth and spend it, for all citizens.
For this we need the men and women of Europe to trust in our united future - and that means trusting both in the union and in the future!
Let us work together to make this trust grow.